Policy Memos | Аналитические записки

Policy Memo # 242
Watching President Vladimir Putin field the questions of high school students in Texas, that early assessments of Putin’s chances for a long political life and autonomous political action were extremely negative seems almost implausible. In two years, Putin moved from being a puppet of President Boris Yeltsin’s family to being the dominant fixture on the Russian political scene. This profound change in the universal assessment of the Russian...
Tags:
Policy Memo # 241
“A society cannot be called civil if more than half of State servants wear a military uniform,” said Russian ombudsman Oleg Mironov at the recent Civic Forum. He explained that not just the army wears military gear, but so too does the tax police, the prosecutor’s office, and many other organizations that society calls force structures, not law enforcement structures. The very content and style of Putin’s “federal”...
Tags:
Policy Memo # 240
Jacqueline M. Miller 01 Dec 2001
The goal of Boris Yeltsin and many of Russia’s liberal democratic reformers was not the collapse of the Soviet Union, but the end of Soviet power. Russia would become the center of a new post-Soviet union (the Union of Sovereign States) that would preserve a single economic space, provide for central control over the armed forces and the Soviet Union’s nuclear arsenal, and ensure the guarantee of human rights throughout the country. Yeltsin...
Tags:
Policy Memo # 239
Dmitri Glinski-Vassiliev 01 Dec 2001
Over the past year, Russian president Vladimir Putin initiated a stream of diplomatic overtures to probably the most unresponsive and self-centered of U.S. administrations since the U.S. reemergence from isolationism under president Franklin Roosevelt. Among the most prominent of Putin’s gestures are: Moscow's increasing friendliness to NATO and attempts to get NATO involved in Russia's military reform; Putin's decision to shut down...
Policy Memo # 238
In May 2000, during the very first days of his presidency, Vladimir Putin announced his plans for federal reform as the crucial step toward strengthening the Russian state under the slogan of “dictatorship of law.” The reform package, based on the recentralization of federal power vis-àvis regional authorities, had the very pragmatic aim of strengthening the president’s influence by weakening the position of regional elites. This package...
Tags:
Policy Memo # 237
On January 1, 2002, Ukraine officially enters a campaign to elect the country’s new legislature, the Verkhovna Rada. The elections that will take place on March 31 are widely viewed as being especially important because in 2004, during the term of the next Rada, Ukrainian president Leonid Kuchma is expected to yield power . For all likely presidential contenders, much will depend on whether they will be able to use the Rada as their power base. Pro-...
Tags:
Policy Memo # 236
Co-author: Rostyslav Pavlenko Ukraine’s upcoming parliamentary elections in March 2002 will determine not only the new composition of the Ukrainian parliament (Verkhovna Rada). They will also define the correlation of forces between the parliament, the president, and the government, the model of the 2004 presidential elections, and the fate of Ukrainian reforms and the geopolitical behavior of the country. [...] View full text (PDF)
Tags:
Policy Memo # 235
Jeffrey Checkel 01 Dec 2001
A decade into its independent, post-Soviet existence, words or phrases like laggard, diminished expectations or basket case typically capture the headline story about Ukraine. In the humanrights policy area, the country has gone from being one of the Western community’s star pupils to a problem child. What accounts for this disturbing progression, if, indeed, it is accurate? Where has international assistance gone wrong (and right)? What policy...
Tags:
Policy Memo # 234
David Woodruff 01 Dec 2001
Under President Boris Yeltsin, the politics of economic transformation was a politics of implementation, not of lawmaking. The decisions of bureaucrats, whether motivated by corruption or public spirit, counted for much more than the laws formally on paper. The roots of this weakness of the law were both economic and political. Economically, The prevalence of nonmonetary means of payment—goods offered in barter, or IOU’s that were in effect...
Tags:
Policy Memo # 233
Since 1993 Russia has been negotiating to join the World Trade Organization (WTO), which with 144 members is one of the world’s largest and fastest-growing clubs. With the successful conclusion of the GATT’s Uruguay Round of trade negotiations, the cost of exclusion from the international trade regime rose, but so did the bar for countries seeking to join. The WTO now includes extensive rules on agriculture, public procurement, intellectual...
Tags:

Pages

Links / Ссылки