Policy Memos | Аналитические записки

Policy Memo # 84
Alexander Sergounin 01 Oct 1999
With the breakup of the Soviet Union and the decline of Russian military and economic power, Moscow lost much of its former influence in the Asia-Pacific region (APR). Many regional actors feel that Russia currently does not have much to offer to other Asia-Pacific countries. However, this does not mean that Russia has lost interest in the APR, nor agreed to the role of a sidelined player. On the contrary, Russian strategic planners view the Asia-Pacific...
Policy Memo # 83
Mikhail Rykhtik 01 Oct 1999
Concerns about security among the Russian people have peaked at levels not seen since the disintegration of the USSR. Today it is obvious that security issues will become very popular among candidates during election campaigns for the State Duma and the presidency in 1999 and 2000, respectively. Why is this the case? For the first time in contemporary Russian history, ordinary people feel threatened. Politicians have already adopted rhetoric advocating...
Policy Memo # 82
Arkady Moshes 01 Oct 1999
At the moment, the dynamics of Russian-Ukrainian relations are defined by two sets of contradictory trends. On the one hand, Russia and Ukraine are obviously drifting apart. On the other hand, the centrifugal process has its limits, making a "final divorce" impossible for the foreseeable future. [...] Read full text (PDF)
Policy Memo # 80
Jeffrey Checkel 01 Oct 1999
The US government, American foundations, and international agencies have devoted significant sums over the past decade to promoting the activities of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Russia and other former Soviet states. Has this money been wasted? After all, Russian NGOs are often disorganized and quarrel among themselves. Moreover, the goal of some is to seek personal gain and career advancement, rather than to build the social networks that...
Policy Memo # 79
Vadim Volkov 01 Oct 1999
The inability of the Russian state to enforce property rights and protect private entrepreneurs has been a major obstacle to economic growth. As the state became weak and lost its grip on justice and enforcement, alternative agencies emerged and took over these functions. But the competition between various criminal, private, and quasi-state agencies that offer protection and enforcement services has proven economically inefficient. Nor has it improved...
Policy Memo # 78
Vadim Radaev 01 Oct 1999
More than one year has passed since the financial and economic crisis of autumn 1998. How do Russian entrepreneurs struggle through these critical moments? Who are the winners and losers in this enforced restructuring? What limitations have appeared and what new opportunities have been opened for entrepreneurs? This memo is a synopsis of a longer paper tackling these issues with special reference to Russian small enterprises (SMEs). [...] Read full text...
Policy Memo # 77
Georgi Derluguian 01 Oct 1999
How big and how real is the Russian mafia? I propose to treat it as a sociobiological object that occupies a place in food chains, with its proper morphology and metabolism. This theoretical approach allows us to understand, for example, how the tough habitat of a glacier lake might sustain a Loch Ness monster--but only as an elusive and small population. How do we study the Russian gangsters who are mostly secretive creatures, arguably many of whom are...
Policy Memo # 76
Regina Smyth 01 Oct 1999
US, NGO and Russian efforts to build effective political parties in Russia have met with limited success. Despite the clear potential for Russian parties to foster elite cooperation over policy solutions and popular control of government, elections have revealed parties to be little more than temporary campaign organizations for ambitious elites in Moscow and in the regions. Underdeveloped parties create the danger that Russian voters will become...
Policy Memo # 75
Eduard Ponarin 01 Oct 1999
At first glance, the probable political victory of the Primakov-Luzhkov duo in the wake of the failure of liberal reforms in Russia looks like a regressive return to the bureaucratic administrative system. However, as one looks closer into the reasons for the liberals' failure and mulls over various alternatives, this scenario, while still very disappointing, may not look so bleak. The rapid collapse in Russia of the old administrative system in the...
Policy Memo # 74
Henry Hale 01 Oct 1999
It has become common wisdom that Russia has nothing we can call a party system. No fewer than 141 "electoral associations" registered with the Ministry of Justice by December 1998, and only the Communist Party is usually seen as much more than a small, leader-centric clique of individuals with no strong roots outside of Moscow or perhaps St. Petersburg. There are strong signs, however, that a real party system is now coalescing in Russia in the...
Tags:Russia, Hale