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PONARS Eurasia
PONARS Eurasia
  • About Us
    • Contact Us!
    • Membership
      • All Members
      • Core Members
      • Collegium Members
      • Associate Members
      • About Membership
    • Our Ukraine Experts
    • Executive Committee
  • Our Ukraine Experts
  • Policy Memos
    • List of Policy Memos
    • PONARS Eurasia’s Newest eBooks
    • Submissions
  • Online Academy
  • Events
    • Past Events
  • Recommended
  • Task Forces
    • Ukraine
      • PONARS Ukraine Task Force: Incontrovertible Truths
    • Amplifying Voices of Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia (AVECCA)
    • Russia in a Changing Climate
  • Podcasts
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PONARS Eurasia

615 posts

Why Did Lukoil Really Pull Out of the Azeri-Chirag-Guneshli Oilfield?

  • July 23, 2012
In late November 2002, Russia’s largest oil company, Lukoil, created a flurry of speculation over its decision to withdraw from the Azerbaijan International Operating Company (AIOC), a major Caspian oil consortium. Given…

From the CIS to the SES: A New Integrationist Game in Post-Soviet Space

  • July 23, 2012
  • Oleksandr Sushko
On September 19, 2003, the presidents of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine signed an agreement in Yalta on “The Concept of a Single Economic Space” (SES). The idea behind this agreement was…

The 2002 Russian Census and the Future of the Russian Population

  • July 23, 2012
  • Dmitry Gorenburg
Throughout the 1990s, Russian and Western demographers competed over who could produce the gloomiest forecast of Russian population trends for the coming decades. Highly respected demographers argued that the population of the…

20th Century Tools for 21st Century Challenges: The Limits of Russian Influence in Central Asia and South Caucasus

  • July 23, 2012
  • Nikolai Sokov
Since the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia has regarded both Central Asia and the South Caucasus as being within its sphere of influence. It has also been constantly afraid…

Quod Licet Iovi: Preemptive Use of Military Force in Russian Foreign Policy

  • July 23, 2012
  • Nikolai Sokov
In August-September 2002, Russia appeared to have a short romance with the U.S. policy of preemption, which was annoucned months before and made official in the National Security Strategy issued…

The Antagonizing of the Educated and the Skilled: New Source of Security Threat in Russia

  • July 23, 2012
  • PONARS Eurasia
Since the end of Yeltsin’s reign the debate waged in the Western academic and policy communities over the outcome of reforms in Russia has gradually subsided. The focus of security…

Regional Elections under Putin and Prospects for Russian Electoral Democracy

  • July 23, 2012
  • Nikolay Petrov
Elections are a cornerstone of Russian democracy and crucial to our understanding of its fragile and transforming nature. A dozen years of elections is, perhaps, the major achievement of the late-Soviet and…

Restructuring of the Russian Electricity Industry: The Proposed Breakup and the Lessons from Abro

  • July 23, 2012
  • Mark Kramer
The Russian electricity industry is on the verge of fundamental change. Until now, electricity in Russia has been produced, transmitted, and distributed under the auspices of two main entities: Unified Energy System…

Russia’s Security Agenda vis-a-vis Transatlantic Developments after the War in Iraq

  • July 23, 2012
  • Irina Kobrinskaya
The sharp disagreements among Western countries over U.S. actions in Iraq are a serious test for Moscow for several reasons. First, although disagreements in the West have occurred before and indeed deepened…

The Last Governor: Regional Elites, Civil Society, and the Future of the Russian State

  • July 23, 2012
  • Ivan Kurilla
Four years in contemporary Russian politics is an era. From one election cycle to another we have witnessed great changes in Russian society. The particularities first introduced in 2000 have now become…

United Russia: Ruling Party or Emperor’s New Clothes?

  • July 23, 2012
  • Vladimir Gel'man
After a bloody conflict in October 1993 between Russian president Boris Yeltsin and the Parliament, Russia’s elites recognized the need for strong parliamentary support of the federal executive. However, the nonpartisan nature…

Russia and Multilateral Institutions

  • July 23, 2012
  • Randall Stone
Russia's current leadership recognizes the instrumental value of multilateral institutions and has adapted its foreign and economic policies to exploit them. This represents an important opportunity for the United States,…

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