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PONARS Eurasia
PONARS Eurasia
  • About Us
    • Contact Us!
    • Membership
      • All Members
      • Core Members
      • Collegium Members
      • Associate Members
      • About Membership
    • Our Ukraine Experts
    • Executive Committee
  • Our Ukraine Experts
  • Policy Memos
    • List of Policy Memos
    • PONARS Eurasia’s Newest eBooks
    • Submissions
  • Online Academy
  • Events
    • Past Events
  • Recommended
  • Task Forces
    • Ukraine
      • PONARS Ukraine Task Force: Incontrovertible Truths
    • Amplifying Voices of Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia (AVECCA)
    • Russia in a Changing Climate
  • Podcasts
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RECOMMENDED
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PONARS Eurasia

615 posts

Russia’s Moldova Policy: Soft Power at the Service of Realpolitik?

  • July 23, 2012
  • Andrey Makarychev
This memo focuses on the intricacies of Russia’s policies towards Moldova in the aftermath of the electoral victory of the Alliance for European Integration (AEI). The defeat of the Communist…

The 2010 Russia-Belarus-Kazakhstan Customs Union: A Classic Case of Prinuzhdenie k Druzhbe (Friendship Enforcement)

  • July 23, 2012
  • PONARS Eurasia
The Customs Union (CU) between Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Russia signed in November 2009 and enacted on July 1, 2010, was a breakthrough integration project in the post-Soviet space. It happened…

Can Brazil Be A Model of Development for Russia?

  • July 23, 2012
  • Robert Orttung
Can countries overcome the problems associated with natural resource management through the implementation of good policies? A comparison of Russia and Brazil shows that indeed policymakers can make a difference.…

The Non-Proliferation Treaty as a Conditional Norm

  • July 23, 2012
  • Yoshiko Herrera
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) is an explicitly discriminatory treaty. It enshrines the right of a handful of “Nuclear Weapons States” (NWS)—the five that had tested…

The Role of Information Communication Technologies in the ‘Arab Spring’: Implications Beyond the Region

  • July 23, 2012
  • PONARS Eurasia
The tide of mass protests that swept through the Middle East in early 2011 highlighted the distinct role of modern information-communication technologies (ICT) and digital social media tools and networks.…

Russia’s Place in the World: An Exit Option?

  • July 23, 2012
  • Theodore Hopf
In 1992, Russia’s new leadership, led by Boris Yeltsin, explicitly committed to making Russia part of the Western hegemonic system. By the following year, and for the decade after, Russia…

Back on Track?: Kyrgyz Authoritarianism after the Tulip Revolution

  • July 23, 2012
  • Shairbek Dzhuraev
The year 2010 marks the fifth anniversary of Kyrgyzstan’s Tulip Revolution. The events of March 2005 fostered hopes that Kyrgyzstan was on a fast track to democracy. Five years later,…

Polish Public Opinion Toward Russia in the Aftermath of Smolensk: An Opportunity for Improved Relations

  • July 23, 2012
  • Joshua Tucker
Polish-Russian relations have long been among the thorniest in Europe, providing an often serious impediment to improving broader EU-Russian relations. The events of April 2010, beginning with Russia’s changing line…

Russia’s Mortality Crisis: Will We Ever Learn?

  • July 23, 2012
  • Vladimir Popov
We do not hear about it often, but the phenomenon is truly unprecedented: the transition to a market economy and democracy in the 1990s in Eastern Europe and post-Soviet Eurasia…

Russia and the EU: A New ‘Balance of Self-Confidence’

  • July 23, 2012
  • Arkady Moshes
Most observers agree that in the latter half of the past decade, the EU-Russian relationship lacked substance, despite official parlance characterizing it as a “strategic partnership.” True, Russian energy kept…

Mapping an Alternative Future for Belarus

  • July 23, 2012
  • Arkady Moshes
Since the December 2010 presidential elections in Belarus, the level of drama permeating the country has been on the rise. There have been arrests and trials of prominent opposition figures,…

Russia’s ‘Over-Managed Democracy’ in Crisis

  • July 23, 2012
  • Nikolay Petrov
Two years ago, when evaluating the hybrid regime of “over-managed democracy” (OMD) that Vladimir Putin constructed during his two presidential terms, I concluded that this regime was transitory; it had…

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