Kazakhstan

Policy Memos | Аналитика
The Customs Union (CU) between Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Russia signed in November 2009 and enacted on July 1, 2010, was a breakthrough integration project in the post-Soviet space. It happened just as all other regional unions and agreements—the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Eurasian Economic Community (EURASEC), the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), and the Union of Belarus and Russia—have been failing due to...
Policy Memos | Аналитика
Analysts have likened the growing direct state role in Kazakhstan’s petroleum sector since 2002 to a form of resource nationalism that is part of a global trend precipitated by high oil prices. This interpretation has obvious appeal, both in light of earlier periods in which waves of nationalization coincided with oil price booms and the recent so-called re-nationalizations in Bolivia, Venezuela, and elsewhere. However, it is misguided for two...
Policy Memos | Аналитика
Next year will mark twenty years since the first more or less free and fair elections were held in the USSR in March 1989. Since then, numerous elections have been held in the Soviet, and later post-Soviet, space, providing us with rich material on the evolution of electoral systems in Eurasia and enriching our knowledge of broader political culture. Although this evolution has been shaped by different processes of sociopolitical development in the post-...
Policy Memos | Аналитика
Making up nearly 90 percent of the total area of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), Russia and Kazakhstan are also two of the ten largest states in the world. Both have huge oil and gas reserves, considerable industrial and agricultural potential, and developed transportation infrastructures. Their more than 7,500-kilometer common border is the world’s longest unbroken international frontier. While Russia and Kazahkstan are among the main...
Policy Memos | Аналитика
Counterterrorism has never been a convincing Russian strategy for Central Asia. At the start of Vladimir Putin’s presidency, attempts to impress upon the leaders of the five Central Asian states that only Russia could provide security in the face of this rising threat were undermined by a clear inability to offer any assistance in repelling incursions into Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan by the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan...
Policy Memos | Аналитика
Kremlin has been reestablishing state ownership over its domestic extraction industries while driving foreign investors out. It has also used monopoly state control over its gas pipelines to exert political pressure on foreign partners. Russia seems to have similar aims in neighboring Kazakhstan. Moscow left Kazakhstan’s oilfields underdeveloped in Soviet times, concentrating its efforts on western Siberia instead. Yet a network of Soviet-built...
Policy Memos | Аналитика
In August 2000, as in 1999, Islamic rebels tested the strength of Central Asian government forces. Kyrgyzstan was badly hit again; what is more, Uzbek soldiers struggled to battle the insurgents just 70 kilometers from Tashkent, the nation's capital. At about the same time, the Taliban (a radical Islamist group) almost succeeded in taking control of Afghanistan, dealing a heavy blow to the Northern Alliance (the United Islamic Front for the Salvation...
Policy Memos | Аналитика
The known volume of Caspian oil and gas reserves is immense, and new discoveries are reported regularly. With deposits of oil alone totaling perhaps 200 billion tons, the Caspian stands to become the third most important source of international reserves in the coming decade (after the Persian Gulf and Siberia). Yet for Russia the blessings are mixed. Russia's own share of Caspian deposits is marginal; by far the largest deposits fall within the...

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