Policy Memos | Аналитические записки

Policy Memo # 76
Regina Smyth 01 Oct 1999
US, NGO and Russian efforts to build effective political parties in Russia have met with limited success. Despite the clear potential for Russian parties to foster elite cooperation over policy solutions and popular control of government, elections have revealed parties to be little more than temporary campaign organizations for ambitious elites in Moscow and in the regions. Underdeveloped parties create the danger that Russian voters will become...
Policy Memo # 75
Eduard Ponarin 01 Oct 1999
At first glance, the probable political victory of the Primakov-Luzhkov duo in the wake of the failure of liberal reforms in Russia looks like a regressive return to the bureaucratic administrative system. However, as one looks closer into the reasons for the liberals' failure and mulls over various alternatives, this scenario, while still very disappointing, may not look so bleak. The rapid collapse in Russia of the old administrative system in the...
Policy Memo # 74
Henry Hale 01 Oct 1999
It has become common wisdom that Russia has nothing we can call a party system. No fewer than 141 "electoral associations" registered with the Ministry of Justice by December 1998, and only the Communist Party is usually seen as much more than a small, leader-centric clique of individuals with no strong roots outside of Moscow or perhaps St. Petersburg. There are strong signs, however, that a real party system is now coalescing in Russia in the...
Tags:Russia, Hale
Policy Memo # 73
Vladimir Gelman 01 Oct 1999
The ongoing cycle of Russia's national elections--parliamentary elections scheduled for December 19, 1999, and presidential elections, which should be held July 9, 2000 according to the constitution- represent a threshold in Russia's electoral politics. They draw a line between the uncertain period of post-communist transition and the formation (if not consolidation) of a new political regime. This new regime could be either a liberal democracy or...
Policy Memo # 72
Bear Braumoeller 01 Oct 1999
The fact that the Russian Duma is not an institution designed to encourage small political parties will come as a surprise to no one, with the possible exception of the leaders of small Russian political parties. No fewer than 43 parties contended on the proportional representation (PR) ballot in the 1995 State Duma elections; 39 of them failed to clear the 5% hurdle necessary to secure any representation at all. As a result, the remaining four parties...
Policy Memo # 71
Kimberly Marten 01 Oct 1999
How can we best understand the ambiguous relationship between the United States and Russia in the United Nations today? On the one hand, their debates and disagreements are heated, and the two sides' definitions of their own national interests are often incompatible. Yet meetings of the UN Security Council (UNSC) are held almost daily, the meetings often focus on very sensitive issues, and the use of the veto by either country remains rare. This...
Policy Memo # 70
Celeste A. Wallander 01 Oct 1999
Other than coining of clever titles and claiming something new, is there any value to asking whether Russian-US relations are entering a post-post-Cold War world? I think so, because we have to understand that we have a different Russia in 1999 and the legacy of nearly a decade of relations, with both positive and very negative effects. Furthermore, it is important to understand what was right in Western policy, what was wrong, and why. This enables us to...
Policy Memo # 69
Michael McFaul 01 Oct 1999
According to conventional wisdom, the United States "lost" Russia in the 1990s. This assessment can be found on the pages of The Nation, The Washington Times, The New York Times magazine, or foreign policy issue papers prepared for presidential candidate George W. Bush. These attacks fall into two contradictory categories. One school holds that the policies pursued by the United States over the last decade have failed to establish capitalism and...
Policy Memo # 68
Douglas Blum 01 Oct 1999
This memo deals with globalization and its implications for US policy toward Russia. Accordingly, the first order of business is a brief working definition. As used here globalization has three major components: 1) openness (political-institutional and infrastructural); 2) flows (of capital, people, goods, information and ideas); and 3) convergence (or homogenization) in terms of technical harmonization, social organization, popular culture, and norms (...